NB: The below is a book review I wrote in a seminar on Robertson's most excellent monograph.
Robertson,
Kellie. The Laborer’s Two Bodies: Labor
and the “Work” of the Text in Medieval Britain, 1350-1500. New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
In the Laborer’s
Two Bodies, Kellie Robertson establishes the ways in which labor identities
were represented, controlled, and subverted in Britain from 1350-1500. By
discussing the rising issues of labor in the backdrop of a post-plague England,
Robertson is able to evaluate the tension of labor between the three estates in
addition to the various methods each used to either repress the labor force or
defend their own work. In the process, Robertson evaluates a series of
documents that represent various stages of this struggle, including the Legend of Good Women, Piers Plowman, Mankind, and the Paston letters. Additionally, Robertson’s writing
consistently lends itself to rhetorical clarity. More than refreshing, however,
this emphasis on lucidity is quite necessary due to her complex arguments,
simultaneously utilizing neo-Marxist, Foucauldian, feminist, semiotic, and New
Historicist approaches. The appearance of these arguments together can provide
a daunting task for the reader, yet Robertson effectively introduces each
element at the most effective juncture. In her introduction, Robertson presents
a construction of the laborer’s body as idealized, punished, and read as a
symbol itself, and it is this approach which ties the chapters together. In
place of a central, formal argument for the book as a whole, the laborer’s body
is a common topic at the heart of each chapter. This approach is its primary
strength, allowing Robertson to discuss a wide range of labor issues in
post-plague Britain and clarifying the complex issues around material and
immaterial labor.
In chapter one, Robertson’s focus is on the specifics of
the labor statutes and their enforcement. While discussing the initial statutes’
attempt to control the labor force, Robertson contends that the laborer was now
split into two bodies: one the more real, naturalized version repressed by the
judicial process and the other the ideal theological model of a hard working
peasant. In regards to the judicial body, Robertson argues that the move to
public displays of punishment made that body a text to be read; “authorities
wanted most of all to make labor (good or bad) a visible quantity, something to
be read off the body” (16). The theological model attempted to further repress
laborers by imposing an image of what they should aspire to be: content with
their state. A prime example of this is found in St. Walston, whose hagiography
is added upon to “emphasize the necessity of keeping one’s labor obligations”
(35). The most compelling aspect of Robertson’s argument is the impact this
dynamic had upon poets, especially Langland who “attempts to define the utility
of his intellectual work in terms borrowed from this everyday world of material
transactions” (45). This chapter serves to set up her construct of the
immaterial versus the material and provides the historical backing of the labor
statutes that runs through the rest of her text.
Robertson’s intent in the second chapter is to both
complicate the argument that the years Chaucer spent as a justice of the peace
in Kent were a political respite and to show that this forced Chaucer to have
direct interaction with the labor statutes, his duty being to enforce them.
Additionally, Robertson discusses the precarious political environment Chaucer
was involved in and how this increased scrutiny on the judiciaries as well as
laborers placed more pressure on the poet to defend his own work. This is made
all the more pertinent when one considers the most intriguing change to labor
laws up to this point: that one could be tried not simply for action but for
intent as well. Robertson contends that this in particular placed Chaucer in a
tricky situation; “if the poet cannot vindicate his labor, it is in part
because intention, and hence, identity cannot be adequately textualized” (64).
Taking this into consideration, Robertson conflates the defense of women in the
Legend of Good Women with “a defense
of the poet’s own work, particularly since neither defense quite convinces”
(64). This chapter not only provides greater insight into Chaucer’s political
dealings but grants further understanding of the pressures placed upon the poet
in an environment where work was so heavily questioned.
In her third chapter, Robertson deals with the use of the
term comyn prouffit, tying it into
her overall concept by discussing “the material history of this purportedly
immaterial concept” (79). Robertson
documents how this term moves from legal terminology to Christian theology, being
implemented as ideology to prevent laborers from taking advantage of the
post-plague labor market. Robertson suggests that the initial use of the term
was intended to reinforce the immaterial concept of medieval social hierarchy. The
term, however, is quickly appropriated by rebels in their attacks against the
labor laws, who use the term to suggest that a loosening of restrictions would
be in the society’s best interest. As Robertson states, “the peasants did
indeed believe that the master’s tools could dismantle the master’s house”
(92). The common profit was further appropriated by heretics and then
merchants, only retired from this cycle when it is supplanted by the idea of
the commonwealth in the late fifteenth century. The need of the Tudor
government to abandon the common profit as the predominant ideology in support
of the hierarchy suggests an attempt to adopt a less fluid concept, one not as
easily turned against those it is intended to entrench.
The fourth chapter is the most divergent yet is equally
as enlightening to the discussion of material versus immaterial labor. This
chapter’s focus is on the analysis of two contradictory bodies in the gentry
housewife: “the contradictions between a legal ideology that conflated the
roles of gentry women and servants over and against the lived experiences that
gave the female gentry significant power over both people and things” (120). The
previous three chapters acted in a progressive manner, tracking the changes in
the labor statutes and the resultant fallout in addition to the book’s larger
discussion of material verses immaterial bodies. This chapter diverges from the
trend, focusing less on the labor statutes and more on the gendered dynamic of household
labor. Robertson’s arguments in this chapter are perhaps some of the most
interesting in the book, utilizing Foucault and feminist theory in her analysis
of the Paston letters to show how the gentry housewife possessed authority
while simultaneously showing submission to her husband. This chapter displays
Robertson’s ability to construct a coherent, multifaceted argument which grants
a larger view of labor throughout 15th century England.
Robertson’s fifth chapter reveals another interesting facet
of the issue of labor, specifically the manner in which a dissident voice of
the peasantry can by subtly packed into an otherwise innocuous form. Reading
the historical context of East Anglia’s unrest over the 1446 labor statutes in Mankind, Robertson contends that the
play contains a series of subtle subversions of the judicial and theological
constructs designed to encourage complacence among laborers. Mercy’s advice to
John superficially appears to counter the improper actions promoted by
Mischief, but “by giving a social body to Mercy’s spiritual labor, the vice
points out the literal physical labor that makes ecclesiastical discourse on
allegorical labor possible” (157). In effect, Mischief actually undermines the
repentance supposed to be evinced in the audience, subverting the normal
theological order. The historical backdrop Robertson provides is the still
changing labor laws, which now redefine vagrancy to further discourage the
travel of laborers and even gives local authorities the right to impress
unemployed workers into contracts against their will. Robertson goes on to
discuss the play’s method of subverting the legal language most often used
against laborers; “if Mercy accuses [English] of being too much in the world,
the vices accuse his language of being too far from it” (180). Here again
Robertson brings in the binary of the material versus the immaterial,
displaying the inadequacy of the latter. By showing how Mankind is both influenced by and offers resistance to the 1446
labor statutes, Robertson reveals another voice of resistance from the third
estate, a subtle tactic the student of medieval literature would do well to pay
attention to. Effectively, this pushback complicates Mankind and brings closer scrutiny to how the morality play can
operate as a vehicle for social dissidence.
Robertson’s book facilitates a greater understanding of
the complexities of labor issues in late medieval England, bringing to the
forefront not just the historical implications but how these issues influenced
the literature of this period. This book is of especial value to the student of
medieval literature as it informs the impact of the post-plague labor crisis
across British society and the subsequent affect this had upon texts of this
period. The additional pressure placed upon the poet in this age, when all
labor was under new scrutiny, sheds new light on the forces behind later
medieval texts. Robertson’s complex, multifaceted arguments in The Laborer’s Two Bodies are worthwhile
for the greater understanding of the implications and fallout of the labor
statutes in post-plague England, not only adding historical context to the
reading of the texts produced in this period but demonstrating how economic
issues directly impacted British society, judicial proceedings, and literature.
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